BBC News - Africa

Interview with Mr. Phakathi, PUDEMO Secretary General

Originally published in Italian on Equilibri.net website (19th September 2013).
Link to the original page: http://www.equilibri.net/nuovo/articolo/swaziland-intervista-phakathi-segretario-generale-di-pudemu
Author: Marco Zoppi
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With the first round of elections already completed, the kingdom of Swaziland is preparing to return to vote on September 20 to elect the new Assembly (the lower house of the Parliament). However, this year also, as happened in last decades, the electoral system and the repeated violations of human rights have made vain the hope to see a free vote cast by the population. Again, several international organizations have preferred not to send their observers, underlining to a greater extent the contradictions of this "island of autocratic rule" (AfriMap). On the occasion of the elections, we interviewed Mr. Skhumbuzo Phakathi, Secretary General of the People's United Democratic Movement (PUDEMO), in order to follow more closely the events of this country in Southern Africa. PUDEMO is today the leading swazi political organization of opposition to Mswati III.

 
PUDEMO , thirty years of democratic struggle
In July this year, PUDEMO commemorated thirty years of political activity aimed at bringing democracy to Swaziland. "We inspired the majority of our people to stand up for their rights," Mr. Skhumbuzo Phakathi recalls while looking back at the path made so far. Since its foundation on the banks of the river Mbuluzi in 1983, the movement (political parties are banned in Swaziland) has grown steadily, and today it claims about 15,000 members, including those who are in prison or who live abroad, particularly in South Africa. "We have been able to help establish and strengthen trade unions , some of which were formed by PUDEMO itself. PUDEMO also adopted a slogan for the strengthening of the trade union movement: one country one federation. One Industry one union. This is a slogan that is now widely accepted as the trade union movement as key to their unity". Just like political parties, also the Trade Union Congress (TUCOSWA) has been banned in Swaziland, and the lack of associations seems to be reflected in low wages and widespread poverty that still afflict the population (according to the World Bank, nearly 70 % of the population lives below the poverty line).

Intimidation, elections and tinkhundla: the ingredients of absolutism
The celebration of the thirtieth anniversary of political commitment has fallen a few weeks before the elections, that in Swaziland means increased control and abuses by the government. We then asked Mr. Phakathi to give us an outline of the upcoming elections, whose first round took place on 24 August. The overview provided by the Secretary General is reflected in the numerous international reports dedicated to Swaziland: "There are no prospects for a free election in Swaziland. There can't be free election when a section of the population is precluded by law to participate in the elections".
In fact, since 2008 in Swaziland is in force the Suppression of Terrorism Act which authorizes the closure of numerous organizations found guilty, according to the government, to conduct terrorist activities. In this election therefore PUDEMO "is not only banned, but also proscribed. For that, our members are arrested, tortured and exiled". By virtue of a royal decree, in fact, PUDEMO has been branded as terrorist organization: their members are followed everywhere, and it was forbidden for them to meet even during religious cerimonies. But if PUDEMO has come in the king's sight because "We have refused to be co-opted into the oppressive machinery of the regime" Phakathi explaines, the grip was tight even on those who support the system, who "have been subjected to more security surveillance and in some cases banned from the voting" on specious arguments
(for example, the Secretary General tells us the story of some people to whom it has been denied the chance to vote because they showed up at urns wearing pants). Once confirmed that intimidation on the population did occur, we asked the Secretary General to explain which are, from his point of view, the contradictions of the electoral system.
Under the current system "There is everything wrong with the system. Fundamentally the parliament that is elected does not have power. For an example in the house of Senate, the king appoints two thirds of the house, mainly his brothers and relatives. So, no matter how well represented or democratically elected [the other third] can be, as long as this arrangement where the king appoints the majority stands, there is no hope of ever implementing anything in the interest of the people". For the 2013 elections, the unified strategy of Swazi opposition has been the boycotting of the vote. The last instrument the king had left for non-violent dissent. In the opinion of the Secretary General, the boycott has worked well, yet the media are under a tight control from the monarchy (see figures released by Freedom House ), and manipulated the data on the number of voters.
But the poor democratic performanc
e of Swaziland is also due to the infamous tinkhundla system, the name given to the administrative subdivisions which form the Swazi territory, each administered by a traditional a-political chief (elected directly by the sovereign): basically, these leaders are the king's eyes and ears over the whole territory. In an interview with Reuters on 13 September, Mswati has summarized the exercise of power in Swaziland with the expression monarchical democracy, after a divine message he said he has received directly from God during a thunderstorm. The name, the King then stated, does not allude to any political change nor political reforms; simply, these are words that people can understand, given otherwise the complexity of the tinkhundla system.
In this mixture of European constitutional right and indigenous tradition, Mswati III emerges therefore as a two-faced sovereign. On one side he is the head of state, on the other hand he is the head of the African community: the result is that "all powers are concentrated in the hands of the king. He has control over legislation on justice and executive power. These are the components of a dictatorship" Mr. Phakathi sums up. So, what are the steps needed to conduct Swaziland out of the dangerous autocratic spiral began in 1973 , with the abolition of the constitution prompted by King Sobhuza (father of the actual sovereign)? PUDEMO's political line is clear: "The starting point for implementing democratic governance in Swaziland is to allow for free political activity, freedom of expression, freedom of the media, return of all political exiles, cessation of hostilities by the state security apparatus. There must be a democratically elected National Convention to draft a democratic constitution; there must be a democratically elected constituent assembly drawn from all the political parties; there must be an interim government to overseer the transition; SADC, AU or other respectable organ must monitor the process”.
A decisive push towards democracy as it is known in the West. But while the African continent is rediscovering the value of its tradition, culture and the pre-colonial communitarian social organization, what would be the place for tradition in Swaziland? "Traditional structures will have a role" - confirms Mr. Phakathi, "their powers shall be enshrined in the constitution. They will among others remain the custodians of our culture and traditional values. [but] Their role in the party political life of the country will have to be minimal if at all, so that they can remain the uniting figures of our communities. Once traditional structures play an active role in politics as currently is in Swaziland, they become divisive and antagonistic".

The role of the international community
In the fight that leads to the democratization of the Kingdom of Swaziland, PUDEMO is less and less alone. Both at home, where "a plethora of other political parties were formed, although then some got swallowed by the system" and abroad, where it increases interest in the issue.
Recently, in fact, PUDEMO leaders have been engaged in institutional visits in several European countries, where they could report the international support to the Swazi cause: "
The people of Europe are beginning to understand Swaziland for what it is. Our mission was successful because we were able to tell the real story about this country; dispelling the lies that the government tells. Many have been encouraged to undertake their independent fact finding missions so that they come discover for themselves. And we are happy that we were well received and had constructive engagements with a number of people and organisations in those countries".
These meetings, which began in mid-June last year, have included visits in Germany, Denmark, Sweden and Norway. Mogens Lykketoft, speaker of the Danish Parliament, on 22 June had made clear reference to the 'possibility of greater pressure from the European Union in order to guarantee freedom of expression and organization, as well as a process that could lead to a democratic constitution.
But what kind of commitments have been made with European leaders? We asked the Secretary General: "
The democratic world must put diplomatic pressure on King Mswati and his government .They must impose travel bans on the government officials ,They must render practical support to the democratic forces through financial support, technical support and lobbying so that the scales are tilted in favour of the oppressed" Isolate the monarch, in other words. That applies also for the African neighbors also: "SADC in particular must put the issue of Swaziland on the agenda. It cannot be that SADC leaders can pretend to be blind to the situation in Swaziland".

C
onclusions

PUDEMO's opposition activity for now goes on, both within and outside the kingdom of Mswati III. PUDEMO's Secretary General continues to see the prospects for a peaceful transition that would avert the risk of conflict and even of a civil war, but it does not disguise growing concerns due to the "illegal detentions, killings of activists and the abuse on a population pushed towards that corner where they will have no option but to fight back".
A population that, at the time of "liberation", will have to decide on how to be governed. "With or without the king", but certainly in a democratic system. "How does the Swazi population will reach democracy and freedom" this is the problem not easily to be solved. The Secretary General himself recalls that it takes to be "confident of the future" Probably, we must also be patient to see any political development in Swaziland: it seems clear that a democratic solution for the small absolutist kingdom is not in sight, and these elections will be an exercise of power for the exclusive use of the monarch and his entourage.

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